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6 HASHALOM March
2017
March 2017
HASHALOM
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Trump’s refraining from clearly saying that two states is the only
way, while endorsing a wider regional approach, is a significant
reset of the entire diplomatic process with the Palestinians.
Eight years ago, when Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met
then-president Barack Obama in the Oval Office, this is what the
new president had to say about the settlements: “Now Israel is
going to have to take some difficult steps as well, and I shared
with the prime minister the fact that, under the road map and under
Annapolis, that there’s a clear understanding that we have to make
progress on settlements. Settlements have to be stopped in order
for us to move forward. That’s a difficult issue. I recognize that, but
it’s an important one and it has to be addressed.”
And here is how new President Donald Trump addressed the very
same issue before his first meeting with Netanyahu in the Oval
Office: “As far as settlements, I’d like to see you hold back on
settlements for a little bit, we’ll work something out. I would like to
see a deal being made, I think a deal will be made.”
The message wasn’t that significantly different, but there was a
great difference in how it was delivered.
And that is one of the three major takeaways from the Trump-
Netanyahu press conference on Wednesday in the White House:
There will be differences between the two men because they
are leaders of different countries, whose interests do not always
intersect, but the differences will be dealt with very differently – as
among friends, not rivals.
Obama’s tone, his demeanor at his first meeting, was almost that
of a teacher telling a pupil what he has to do. Trump’s tone was
friendlier, lighter.
“Bibi and I have known each other a long time,” Trump said. “A
smart man, a great negotiator, and I think we are going to make a
deal. It might be a bigger and better deal than people in this room
even understand.”
When Netanyahu responded with a curt “All right,” Trump joked
that “doesn’t sound too optimistic,” and Netanyahu shot back in
reference to a book Trump once wrote, “That’s the art of the deal.”
That jocular tone was significantly different from the heavy, tense
tone of most of the Obama-Netanyahu meetings, even their first.
Tone cannot paper over differences, but a good tone can make
those differences easier to deal with.
The second major takeaway from the press conference was one of
substance: Trump’s refusal to unequivocally endorse the two-state
solution, US policy since president George W. Bush announced
support for a Palestinian state in 2002.
“So I’m looking at two states and one state, and I like the one that
both parties like,” Trump said, as Netanyahu laughed.
“I’m very happy with the one that both parties like. I can live with
either one. I thought for a while that the two states looked like the
easier of the two, but honestly, if Israel and the Palestinians are
happy, I’m happy with the one they like the best.”
That is a significant shift from what has become axiomatic, that the
only solution is a two-state solution. Trump is essentially saying that
he is open to entertaining ideas and approaches to the diplomatic
process other than the ones that have been tried – and have failed
– since the Oslo process began in 1993.
The third major takeaway is this administration’s endorsement of
looking at a wider regional diplomatic process, as Netanyahu has
been advocating for a number of years.
According to this idea, the sands in the Middle East have shifted
fundamentally, and it will now be easier for Israel to reach
understandings with the pragmatic Sunni states in the region –
Egypt, Jordan, the Saudis and the United Arab Emirates. Once
those understandings are reached, those countries will then nudge
the Palestinians to be more flexible, which will make an Israeli-
Palestinian deal more likely.
Former US secretary of state John Kerry dismissed this out of hand
as unrealistic, saying the Arabs would never go for it. Not Trump;
he wants to give the ideal a whirl.
“It is actually a much bigger deal. A much more important deal,
in a sense; it would take in many, many countries, and cover a
very large territory,” he said. “I think we have some pretty good
cooperation from people who in the past would never, ever have
thought about doing this.”
Much has been written in the last few days about how this first
Trump-Netanyahu meeting – and the new, friendlier tone between
the two leaders – will reset Israel-US relations after the rocky
Obama years.
But more than a reset of Israel-US ties, Trump’s refraining from
clearly saying that two states is the only way, while endorsing
a wider regional approach, is a significant reset of the entire
diplomatic process with the Palestinians.
ISRAEL
ISRAEL
INTERVIEW WITH
MR NATAN SHARANSKY
Prof Antony Arkin
From Obama to Trump, a change in tone
and substance
By Herb Keinon - JPOST
Wednesday, 15 February saw the official launch of the Project Ten Centre
in Durban. The guest of honour for this occasion was Mr Natan Sharansky,
Chairman of the Jewish Agency for Israel (JAFI), former Deputy Prime Minister
of Israel and well known “Refusenik”. Prof. Antony Arkin had the privilege of
interviewing Mr Sharansky during his visit to Durban.
1. JAFI ISPRIMARILYCONCERNEDWITHJEWISHCONTINUITYANDIDENTITY.
HOWWOULD YOU DESCRIBE THE STATE OFWORLD JEWRY TODAY?
JAFI’s mission is to connect Israel to the Jewish world. Historically the main
emphasis was on Aliyah. This is still a key component of JAFI’s mission.
The numbers are high and are growing. Currently the big operations are in
Russia, Ukraine, France and Brazil.
The reasons why people are leaving those countries are very different.
In Ukraine there is a war and the collapse in large areas of government
infrastructure. In Russia there is increasing concern at the authoritarianism
of the Russian government and the concern that the Jewish community
is being isolated. In France the rising anti-semitism is putting increased
pressure on a well-established community. In Brazil the economy at times
seems very close to a meltdown.
While JAFI obviously takes no credit for these push factors, its hard work
has ensured that Israel is the first choice for those leaving. Ongoing
programs such as Birthright and MASA have played important roles in
strengthening Jewish identity.
The second strand of JAFI’s work then is not only bringing Jews to Israel,
but also bringing Israel to the Jewish world. New types of shlichimwith new
programs have been introduced. Previously JAFI concentrated on Aliyah
and youth, now there is a movement to place shlichim on the university
campuses. These are the driving force for the deligitimisation of Israel. The
college students need all the support they deserve. The first shaliach for
SAUJS is being put in place. Worldwide there are more than 80 shlichim.
2. IS THE CONCEPT OF ISRAEL AS BEACON FOR THE JEWISH WORLD
STILL VALID?
Historically Herzl’s vision was that World Jewry would move voluntarily to
Israel or would assimilate into their host nations. The diaspora was seen
then as a passing phase. This is not happening. Millions of Jews continue
to live abroad in vibrant, thriving democratic communities. However there
is enormous assimilation in these societies. The only effective bulwarks
are Zionism and a strong religious identity. Without these countervailing
forces, the existing communities’ grandchildren will not live as Jews.
Israel then is essential for Jewish continuity. Much of JAFI’s work is to
strengthen these links with World Jewry. So while Israeli society is not
monolithic and highly opinionated onmany issues including Jewish identity,
it plays the central pivotal role in the life of the Jewish people everywhere.
3. KNESSET MEMBERS ACROSS THE POLITICAL SPECTRUM WERE
TERRIBLY DISAPPOINTED BY THE LACK OF SUPPORT BY AMERICAN
JEWRY FOR ISRAEL’S POSITION ON THE IRAN NUCLEAR DEAL. HOW
SERIOUS IS THIS DIVIDE?
One needs a nuanced answer. American Jews voted overwhelmingly
for President Obama. While I do not agree with every aspect of the
administration’s policy towards Israel, it was considered a pivotal issue and
Obama genuinely thought he was working for Israel’s best interest.
The Iran Nuclear deal was very polarizing for American Jewry, especially
as all major political parties in Israel thought it was fraught with danger.
Personally, unlike the fight for the freeing of Russian Jews from the Soviet
Union, where strong linkages were made with the regime’s behaviour,
Obama made no such linkages with Iran. He should have built far greater
safeguards into the process to counter Iranian threats to destroy Israel and
to arm Hezbollah, Hamas and other terrorist groups.
So it is a great disappointment that the Iranian nuclear deal was not linked
to Iran’s destructive actions against Israel. It is hoped that President Trump
will emphasize far more these linkages going forward.
4. YOU HAVE PLAYED THE LEADING ROLE IN TRYING TO FINALIZE THE
KOTEL PRAYER PLAZA AND FREEDOM OF RELIGION FOR ALL STREAMS
OF JUDAISM. YET PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU HAS BAULKED AT
IMPLEMENTING THE DEAL, APPROVEDBY THE CABINET. HOWWILL THIS
IMPACT ON DIASPORA – ISRAEL RELATIONS? THE LARGEST SEGMENT
OF THE DIASPORA IS STILL STIGMATIZED BY THE JEWISH STATE.
Prime Minister Netanyahu has played a very positive role and has been
most supportive during the three years of negotiations. He brought me in
to lead the discussions. Netanyahu however faced some critical moments.
Though he worked very hard, his new government coalition relies on
the Ultra Orthodox and Haredi parties. They have blackmailed him by
threatening to bring down the government if the Kotel deal is implemented.
The Prime Minister is asking for more time to find a solution that can be
achieved without the collapse of the government.
The Supreme Court is likely to be a determining factor and should help to
achieve a realistic solution.
5. FOR NINE YEARS YOU WERE LOCKED UP IN THE GULAG. HOWWOULD
YOU DESCRIBE THE RUSSIAN/ISRAEL RELATIONS WITH PRESIDENT
PUTIN TODAY?
There is a very good side to the current Russian government. There is very
little anti-semitism and the administration has a very positive attitude
towards the Jewish community. There are increasing links to Israel and a
lot of serious dialogue is taking place.
But there are real concerns. The Jewish community was alarmed at
the recent expulsion of the senior Chabad rabbi and the increased
authoritarianism of Russian society.
Russia’s increasing support for the Assad regime in Syria and close ties
with Iran, which is trying to build Shi’ite hegemony on Israel’s northern
borders, is a matter of deep concern. There is also a significant leakage of
Russian technology and weapons to Hezbollah. Fortunately there is a close
dialogue between the Russian and Israeli leadership.
6. PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU MEETS WITH PRESIDENT TRUMP
TODAY. WILL TRUMP BE GOOD FOR ISRAEL?
There are good intentions on both sides. However the Trump administration
is not yet fully in place, so there is very little experience and policy
developed. Statements that he sees Israel as a main ally are very positive.
We will know more, however after Netanyahu’s meeting with him today
but there are many friendly voices in the administration.
7. WHAT ARE YOUR THOUGHTS ON PROJECT TEN?
We have just visited Entebbe and Durban, two cities that resonate with
me very personally. The Entebbe rescue mission symbolized for me Jewish
freedom. When the Soviets came to arrest me a picture of Yoni Netanyahu
was on my wall. Durban, for the Jewish world was the disgraceful
Racism Conference of 2001 where the program to delegitimize Israel
and accelerate anti-semitism was introduced. Project Ten is the perfect
antidote as a response.
Project Ten empowers young Jewish adults both from Israel and the
diaspora to create change in vulnerable communities. It brings together
young Jewish volunteers to work with local NGO’s. This Jewish Peace Corps
embodies the essence of Tikkun Olam, repairing the world. The Durban
Project is unique in that it is a partnership between JAFI and the SAZF
with funding from the Victor Daitz Foundation. It fits perfectly into JAFI’s
mission of building Jewish identity and fulfilling Herzl’s vision for Israel to
be a partner in African emancipation. There can be no better answer to
the racism of the 2001 conference in Durban than the enthusiasm and
assistance of the young Jewish volunteers in Project Ten Durban.